Social Work Essay Sample

This essay will look at the Smith household instance survey and a genogram to stand for the household construction. Issues of kids and households will be discussed. using societal policy and jurisprudence in the model of intercessions used by societal workers. The first portion of this essay will place the legal options available to Paul and the legal considerations taken into history by the tribunal before doing any determinations. The essay will look at the local authority’s general and specific responsibilities towards the Smith’s household. see professionals and bureaus that could play a portion in the societal public assistance of the household and show differences between powers and responsibilities of the local authorization with illustrations from instance survey. The 2nd and largest portion of the essay will sketch how differing ideological positions could act upon the appraisal of the family’s demands and the proviso of services. This essay will reason uncovering the common evidences of ideological differences over public assistance ( Baldock 2007 p80 ) . Separate A

As Paul contacts a canvasser. he will be advised to use to the tribunals for parental duty ( PR ) under s. 4 ( 1 ) ( B ) . PR is defined as all the rights. responsibilities. powers. duties and authorization which by jurisprudence a parent of a kid has in relation to the kid and his belongings s. 3 ( 1 ) ( Brammer 2007 p. 217 ) . S. 4 ( 1 ) ( a ) of the Children Act 1989 allows Paul to get parental duty even when he is non married to Joan due to children’s jointly registered birth certifications. Paul may use for s. 8 ( 1 ) orders such as a ‘contact order’ . he may besides use for a abode order under s. 11 ( 4 ) hence geting ( PR ) ( Brammer 2007 p. 220 ) . Upon having Paul’s request. the court’s paramount consideration will be the children’s public assistance s. 1 ( 1 ) ( Hardy 1997 p. 225 ) . The tribunal will see s. 1 ( 5 ) ‘no-order’ rule and s. 1 ( 2 ) ‘non-delay’ rule and all parts of s. 1 ( 3 ) of the public assistance checklist before doing any legal determinations ( White et al 2007 p. 39 ) . The discoverable wants and feelings of the kid concerned are besides considered in visible radiation of his or her gillick competence ( Brammer 2007 p. 192 ) . Hence the tribunal will see cardinal statute law under the Adoption and Children Act 2002 or the same rule under Children Act 1989 ( Laird 2010 p233 ) . The Local Authority ( LA ) has general responsibilities with regard to kids in demand under s. 17 ( 1 ) ( a ) of the Children Act 1989. to safeguard and advance their public assistance. assessing and reexamining their demands ( Fishwick 1996 p. 61 ) .

Besides as general responsibilities towards the household the ( LA ) must advance wherever possible the children’s upbringing by their households s. 17 ( 1 ) ( B ) . and must supply services to a kid in demand such as adjustment under s. 17 ( 3 ) ( White et al 2007 p. 45 ) . The ( LA ) may offer a scope of services listed in agenda. 2 parity 8 ( a-e ) such as advice. counsel and guidance. place aid. assist with travel to enable households to utilize services. agreement for vacations under sched 2 parity 8. arrangement in household Centres under sched 2 para 9. twenty-four hours care proviso under s. 18. and adjustment under s. 20 ( 1 ) ( Fishwick 1996 p. 62-65 ) . The ( LA ) can besides supply occupational. cultural and recreational activities and in exceeding fortunes help with hard currency under s. 17 ( 6 ) ( White et al 2007 p. 45 ) . A ( LA ) is non under any absolute responsibility to run into the assessed demands of kids. However they must move moderately as a entire failure to run into an assessed demand. absent rational justification is likely to be challenged. Professionals such as the wellness visitant who has already had contact with the household. societal workers. instructors. GPs and youth workers are all helpful in garnering information necessary for appraisal of children’s demands.

The necessity to work together gained clear acknowledgment in counsel such as Working Together to Safeguard Children ( DoH. 1999e. 2006c ) and No Secrets ( DoH. 2000f ) . The Children Act 2004 develops partnerships between professionals and bureaus further. with a position to better children’s good being. Children’s services governments and their relevant spouses. which include territory councils. constabulary. probation boards. Youth Offending Teams. wellness governments and Connections are all needed for garnering information for an appraisal of the household and children’s demands. As portion of the Local Authority’s ( LA ) specific responsibilities it shall transport out an appraisal for community attention services under s. 47 of the National Health Service and Community Care Act 1990 or s. 12A of the Social Work ( Scotland ) Act ( Wilson et al 2008 p199 ) . The Local Authority’s specific responsibilities are as follows: a ) they must place kids in demand who are in the country under Sched. 2 parity 1 ( 1 ) and B ) print the information about services available to them Sched. 2 parity 1 ( 2 ) ( a ) ( I ) . degree Celsius ) they must set up twenty-four hours care proviso for kids aged 5 and under s. 18 ( 2 ) and vitamin D ) the ( LA ) must non know apart different racial/ cultural groups ( Fishwick 1996 p. 18 ) .

The ( LA ) has the power to measure Joan’s state of affairs to hold the kids taken into attention but they are non obliged to make so. because power allows discretion while responsibility is imperative ( White et al 2007 p. 102 ) . The Adoption and Children Act 2002. parity. s. 4. ( 2 ) says ( LA ) has the power. at the petition. to transport out an appraisal of a person’s needs for acceptance and support services ( Wilson et al 2008 p199 ) . Concomitantly it shall be the responsibility of every ( LA ) to advance societal public assistance by doing available advice. counsel and aid on services such as lodging. Children Act 1989 s. 20 ( 1 ) ensures that every ( LA ) shall. as a responsibility provide lodging for any kid in demand within their country. Even though Joan has automatic ( PR ) . she is fighting to supply attention for her kids giving ( LA ) the responsibility under s. 7 of the ( LA ) Social Services Act 1970 on safeguarding kids to supply her kids with adjustment. The ( LA ) has powers to take them from Joan their primary carer to try to happen household arrangements with relations or friends before choosing for Foster attention ( Laird 2010 p153 ) . Local governments have the power to supply household support. twenty-four hours attention and educational proviso for immature kids ( Brammer 2007 p. 207 ) .

Part B
An political orientation is a composing or aggregation of thoughts and doctrine of the universe. human nature. morality. society and political relations showing the involvement of a peculiar societal group. supplying an docket within which to analyze issues and to urge future actions with a relationship to political relations ( Alcock et al 2008 p185 ) . Needs are regarded as the chief implicit in ground for developing societal policies by traditional advocates who have occupied the in-between land between the Left and the Right ( Baldock 2007 p. 79-80 ) . Need is frequently described by some bookmans as some sorts of jobs which people experience with a demand of a response or solution ( Smale et Al 2000 p. 84 ) . Some bookmans say demands are a relationship between poorness and inequality affecting survey of power due to scarce resources ( Blakemore 1998 p. 31 ) . The power relationship arises because while clients need resources. the bureau has the discretion over their distribution ( Davies 1985 p. 95 ) .

The Centre of arguments about public assistance proviso has been influenced by the political orientation of demands as turning demands on policy or public outgo has besides been expressed in footings of increased demand ( Bryson 1992 p. 122 ) . Goals of policy intercessions are frequently aimed at meeting demands and the demands to be met have by and large been identified as those that alternate establishments as the market and household have failed to run into ( Mead et al 1997 p. 47-49 ) . Harmonizing to Bradshaw there are four types of demands. one of them is the normative demand which is normally set by experts and used as a criterion to find benefit standards ( Blakemore 1998 p. 31 ) . The comparative demand used to fit with others who are non in demand has been most normally used in comparing societal jobs in differing countries in order to calculate out the most disadvantaged countries ( Alcock et al 2003 p. 321 ) . Relative poorness is normally defined when comparing hapless people with others in society. The Copenhagen Declaration defines absolute poorness as a terrible want of basic human demands such as safe imbibing H2O. nutrient. sanitation installations. wellness. shelter. instruction and information ( Bryson 1992 p. 57 ) .

Peter Townsend’s description of poorness is the absence or insufficiency of diets. comfortss. criterions. services and activities which are common or customary in society ( Alcock et al 2008 p. 15 ) . There are bookmans who believe that ideological positions are influenced by political relations of public assistance. with demand being hard to find due to cultural relativities which sway opinion ( Robert et Al 1998 p. 82 ) . Peoples with a deficiency of income and entree to societal services. that is ‘without the necessities of life’ autumn under the definition of absolute poorness or subsistence poorness ( Alcock et al 2008 p. 132 ) . Seebohm Rowntree’s research identified a poorness line on the footing of minimal demands ( Robert et Al 1998 p. 215 ) . Political positions on public assistance are frequently divided into left and right wing positions. The left wing favors public assistance. public proviso. leftist and institutional public assistance while the right wing is against public assistance and public proviso as it supports residuary public assistance and is individualist ( Baldock et al 2007 p. 75 ) . The chief political places which influence public assistance thoughts are Marxism. Conservatism. Broad individuality. Socialism. Social democracy and fascism ( Robert et Al 1998 p. 45 ) .

Part of the evidences for the electoral triumph of the Labour authorities in 1945 was its proposal to present province proviso to run into welfare demands mentioned in Beveridge’s study of 1942 ( Baldock et al 2007 p. 8 ) . Hence Labour had the purpose to undertake the ‘five elephantine societal evils’ termed ignorance. disease. idling. sordidness and privation and take them from British society ( Alcock et al 2008 p. 6 ) . In 2008 the Department of Health stated that harmonizing to the Griffiths Report. basic rules for the proviso of community attention were set out in 1989 in the Government’s White Paper ‘Caring for People’ bespeaking that anyone necessitating wellness or societal attention because of jobs associated with old age. mental unwellness or acquisition. physical or centripetal disablements. must be able to acquire attention and support tailored to their personal demands ( McDonald 2006 p. 156 ) . The public assistance province in rule grants people with demands that are non being met. the right to anticipate them to be met by the province. or under its legal power financially or lawfully ( Baldock 2007 p81 ) The Left wing considers rights and duties as a close portion of its societal policies. doing certain that excluded groups have the rights to equal intervention.

The Left wing bases for groups such as adult females. cultural minorities. future coevalss. handicapped people to hold their rights to a degree of service proportionate to their demands ( Baldock et al 2007 p82 ) . Although under left wing people should non anticipate aid from the province if they are hapless. but to take paid work if they can. hence the Left traditionally favours province proviso at degrees non excessively far from basic adequateness ( Robert et Al 1998 p. 56 ) . Children could acquire assist through societal policy after the development of two major policy schemes viz. Every kid affairs and Opportunity for all. with province proviso for instruction to back up scholars to make their full potency ( Alcock et al 2008 p. 378 ) . The left besides has proviso under National Health Service and Community Care Act 1990. where societal workers assess single demands for handicapped people and arrange attention bundles. offering support to carers ( Baldock et al 2007 p. 191 ) . The ‘welfare to work’ strategy which introduced Jobseeker’s Allowance. taking Unemployment benefit was a new societal motion in political orientations of public assistance as the authorities aimed at look intoing the lifting degrees of societal outgo ( Alcock et al 2008 p. 74 ) .

Under the New Labour authorities. the new public assistance contract between the citizen and authorities was aimed at assisting persons and households to gain their full potency. populate a dignified life and have independence through work ( Baldock et al 2007 p. 366 ) . Besides portion of the purpose was to alleviate poorness where it can non be prevented. constructing a strong and incorporate society where rights are matched by duties ( DSS 1998 p. 80 ) . Free instruction of kids up to age 15 ( subsequently 16 ) . a national wellness service ( NHS ) free at the point of usage. province promise to assist people happen employment and public lodging proviso ( Alcock et al 2008 p. 6 ) . Government’s public assistance reform included the New Deal for the immature unemployed for six months. older age groups unemployed for longer periods and individual female parents ( Clark et al 2000 p. 25 ) . Classical progressives held the position that the function of the province should be minimised. province to step in and modulate every bit small as possible. taking concern in the smallest possible country of societal life ( Alcock et al 2003 p. 62. ) .

Meeting demands and fulfilling rights where resources are limited rises distribution and rationing inquiries of whether justness is being met in societal distribution. in theory a merely proviso of public assistance means the equal meeting of equal demands ( Baldock et al 2007 p83 ) . Territorial unfairness is caused by geographical and cultural distinctive features and noticeable when comparing demands for really unlike services hence comparative unfairness can be created when calculating out what to give to education or healthcare ( Bryson 1992 p. 186-7 ) . In health care the relationship between hapless wellness and poorness is evident and healthcare services are non every bit available to all subdivisions of the population ( McDonald 2006 p. 139 ) . However in an attempt to undertake some wellness inequalities the Department of Health has late funded research looking at people with dementedness assessed by their local societal services section ( Moriarty and Webb. 2008 ) . Social justness has been associated more strongly with political orientations of the Left and the new societal motions. doing statements in favor of equality achieved through positive policy intercessions ( Blakemore 1998 p. 9 ) .

John Rawls’ theoretical account of justness suggests that a society could be planned as though people were behind a head covering of ignorance so taking a reasonably equal society. without big disparities of wealth and income. hence Rawl’s thought of justness and equality is a popular and democratic attack to the rationing of scarce resources ( ( Baldock et al 2007 p. 84 ) . The right wing feels that justness is more concerned with civil equality under the jurisprudence. with a individualistic attack to societal planning. in which inequalities could be allowed to originate spontaneously ( Robert et Al 1998 p. 304 ) . After societal policy intercessions. if differences between people are less in footings of their public assistance. it means equality of result ( Baldock et al 2007 p. 85 ) . On the other manus equality of chance arises when everyone gets equal support and aid. but afterwards inequalities are allowed to multiply as persons make what they can out of their chances of instruction. employment. income. lodging et cetera ( Blakemore 1998 p. 70 ) .

The left has had a much open stance to the inquiry of equality. back uping equality of result in rule. but in pattern following equality of chance in its policies ( Baldock et al 2007 p85 ) . The Right has besides been inconsistent on issues of equality and virtue for illustration in rule the conservative in the 1980s strongly supported equality of chance but non equality of result. yet in lodging it enabled place ownership to 1000000s of province renters ( Blakemore 1998 p. 26 ) . In higher instruction it engineered a major development of university proviso for BA grades to go widely in range of propertyless kids in a more drastic method than of all time before ( Baldock et al 2007 p86 ) . Neo-liberal political orientation causes a considerable challenge for protagonists of extended systems of public public assistance because they believe these systems are expensive. inefficient and unneeded ( Ellison 2010 ) . Neo-liberalism has its roots in classical broad thought and in the Hagiographas of Adam Smith. for illustration they believe that support for individual parents should be minimum because there is a trade off between relieving agony and promoting the state of affairs for more hurt ( ) .

Main thoughts have changed little over clip. neo-liberalism still believes in single freedom and the free market while late twentieth-century neo-liberalism is closely linked with the work of Milton Friedman and Friedrich von Hayek ( Bryson 1992 p. 57 ) . Friedrich von Hayek polished thoughts of ‘negative liberty’ and the function of the free market to dispute socialist and societal democratic constructs of ‘social justice’ ( Blakemore 1998 p. 23 ) . Neo-liberals run for extended public public assistance systems to be aggressively cut back to extinguish bureaucratic waste. cut down revenue enhancement. let better pick through private proviso of goods and services and cut down public assistance dependence ( Ellison2010 p. ) . Neo-liberal thought contains critical defects. for illustration. the thought of ‘negative liberty’ is inexcusably classified and the trust in pure market solutions. peculiarly where public assistance goods and services are concerned. may be misdirecting ( Alcock et al 2008 p. 62 ) . Their failure to take into history that the socio-cultural dimension of public assistance is of import has raised unfavorable judgments.

Concurrently the conservative transformed themselves into a party of national integrity and societal reform by the 1870s ( ) . Disraeli’s vision of a ‘One Nation’ Britain was underpinned by policies designed to maneuver a in-between manner between the extremes of broad individuality and socialist Bolshevism ( ) . In 1979 Thatcher and Major authoritiess implemented new policies of denationalization and public assistance pluralism ( ) . Harmonizing to Gilmour. Conservatives supported both private endeavor and private belongings. although it was chiefly a party of national integrity ( ) . Hence the party abjured all signifiers of political orientation as all political orientations support peculiar category involvements. In 2006. the Conservatives launched a programme of policy revaluation and ‘intellectual renewal’ . They campaigned for growing in the economic system. public sector. more just entree to services and more local determination taking as stipulations for societal wellbeing ( Pinker 2010 ) The socialist position on societal policy argues that capitalist economy as a societal and economic system is of course hostile to human well-being ( Dean 2010 p. ) .

The public assistance province is regarded as an equivocal phenomenon that benefits advantaged and working category people while besides subjecting them to societal control in the involvements of capitalist economy ( ) . The Hagiographas of Karl Max ( 1818-83 ) argued that human history has shown battle between dominant and laden categories. he saw socialism as a manner in which workers’ control could be exercised 9 Baldock et al 2007 p75 ) . A classless or Communist society where human demands could be entirely realised and decently fulfilled was a anticipation of the hereafter ( ) . While liberalism title-holders single freedom. socialism title-holders societal equality. The Third Way position is another political orientation of public assistance best represented by the USA Clinton Democrat ( 1992-2000 ) and UK Blair New Labour ( 1997-2007 ) disposals ( Alcock et al 2008 p. 91 ) . The Third manner can be examined in footings of duologue. values. policy ends and policy mechanisms and in pattern shows a broad assortment of new strategic ends and mechanisms which progressively seem to pull upon neo-liberalism ( Baldock et al 2007 p. 701 ) .

Some signifiers of Third Way policies were predicted to go on into Gordon Brown’s term of office as Prime Minister. and beyond ( Powell 2010 p. ) . The Third Way is a political duologue built out of elements from other political treatments although it has created a new political linguistic communication. Cardinal mottos such as being tough on offense and the causes of offense. a manus up non a manus out. difficult working households that drama by the regulation and work is the best path out of poorness ( Robert et Al 1988 p. 221 ) . In add-on to new phrases there is a redefined linguistic communication where old words have new significance for illustration Third Way vocabulary- or’ New LabourSpeak’ has footings such as ‘full employment’ and ‘equality’ but with really different significances from their traditional use ( Clark et al 2000 p. 250 ) . Ideology of wefare besides has the women’s rightist positions which focus on societal policy back uping traditional gender functions and leting their transmutation ( Alcock et al 2008 p. 99 ) . This political orientation calls for gender inequalities which are noticeable in countries of income and resources of all sorts to be analysed in policy devising.

The development of societal policies is linked to both household and labour market alteration. and at family degree to alterations in household signifier and nature of parts work forces and adult females make to households in regard of income and unpaid attention work. Women’s relationship to province public assistance tends to be more complicated than that of work forces as they are regarded as clients. paid and unpaid suppliers of public assistance. Feminists would wish work forces to set about fatherhood duties. but are concerned that typical household duties have meant responsibilities for adult females instead than work forces particularly that of unpaid societal attention ( Bornat et al 1997 p. 126 ) . Feminist political orientation calls for puting up of the new Commission on Equality and Human Rights with an docket to battle gender equality ( Lewis 2010 ) .

Beveridge has been much criticised by women’s rightists. who have seen his study in understanding with the station war imprisonment of adult females to the domestic field. handling them for societal security intents as dependant on work forces. Beveridge’s study is argued to transport premises about male and female functions. with work forces as workers and earners. adult females as carers and home-makers ( Bryson 1992 p167 ) . However other bookmans commend Beveridge for urging pensions for twosomes ( Bryson 1992 p168 ) . A major piece of statute law was the 1975 Social Security Pension Act. passed by Harold Wison’s Labour disposal which came into force in 1978 ( Midwinter 1994 p. 119 ) .

The green positions focal points on the environmental harm produced by the economic system for illustration oil spills. nursery gases. loss of the rain forest. traffic pollution and many other effects of the industrial manner of life ( Cahill 2010 ) . The public assistance political orientation of the viridity is for defilers to pay for their harm to the environment ( Baldock et al 2007 p83 ) . Widespread loss of life is predicted in the coming decennaries as planetary warming leads to alter conditions forms. The human cost is already attesting across the Earth. as drouth. hurricanes and deluging have produced 100s of 1000s of environmental refugees. Over the last one-fourth of the 20th century concern for the environment has moved from the state of little. non-influential force per unit area groups to the dockets of the world’s taking states. There are many assortments of green idea. but they are all united in their belief that the environment should take precedence in societal and political treatment.

Climate alteration is carrying authoritiess around the universe to take environmental issues much more earnestly than they have in the yesteryear. Postmodernist perspectives describe a disenchantment with traditional societal and political theories of society. one which clears off many of their premises and premises in order to do room for new attacks and ways of thought ( Fitzpatrick 2010 ) . Post-structuralism portions the demand to go wholly from old doctrines. described as a signifier of spring cleaning excercise of our pre-held premises ( Alcock et al 2003 p. 131 ) . As postmodernisation and post-structuralism have themselves become constituted characteristics of the rational landscape. some bookmans have queried their importance or relevancy as they appear distant from the ‘bread-and-butter issues’ of societal policy. yet in some ways they articulate the altering societal worlds with which societal policy must acquire to clasps ( Alcock et al 2003 p. 130 ) . Other societal alterations include increased attending to the construct of hazard and the extent to which the bar. routing or embrace of hazard is cardinal to bing thoughts of citizenship and wellbeing.

The users’s position on the argument originating from the handicapped people’s societal theoretical account of disablement set in the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. indicates some opposition to the societal theoretical account of disablement perceptibly in medical-led community services ( Lindow 1990 p24 ) . There is grounds of unfairness of service proviso geographically and between service user groups. societal inclusiveness being inadequately linked to the development of community services ( Lindow 1990 p25 ) . “Two major unfavorable judgments by service users are of the inequalities of entree to services caused by bear downing. and the fact that merely the most impaired people are being offered support due to shortage of resources and rationing imposed through degrees of attention direction and attention programming” ( Lindow 1990 p25 ) . Mental wellness service users have the expostulation that betterments ensuing from the statute law and associated counsel are over-ridden by the Government’s assorted efforts to command people in the community ( Lindow 1990 p25 ) .

Although successes have come in the signifier of supported lodging and employment with community support in the signifier of crisis for mental wellness service users. there is grounds of deficiency of occupancy rights and insecure employment ( Lindow 1990 p25 ) A most dissatisfactory mark of continuity in societal policy is the failure to cut down poorness in any important manner. One of the failings in province benefit policy is the failure of the benefits bureaus to present the benefits to everyone entitled to them ( Robert et Al 1998 p. 218 ) . The government’s Green Paper on public assistance reform. New Ambitions for Our Country. a New Contract for Welfare ( published by the Department of Social Security in March 1998 ) . proposed 30 marks of purpose to undertake poorness but did non set out specific policies to undertake poorness ( Fulbrook 2003 ) .

By the center of the following century it is estimated that there will be 500 % more people aged over 85 in the United Kingdom’s population. presenting an increased force per unit area on services ( Balloch 1990 p18 ) . The experiences of poorness which are linked to lodging. wellness and instruction have been addressed through province policies ( Robert et Al 1998 p. 215 ) . However current policy involvements for ‘social enterprise’ ( trading for societal intents ) seek to bridge the extremes of net income and non-profit. it is suggested that societal ends like reacting to the demands of homeless people can be sustained by economic 1s ( by the income bring forthing activities of ‘Big Issue’ sellers ) ( Baldock et al 2007 p. 310 ) .

Mentions

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