The Place of Ndi Igbo in Nigeria Social Economic Development Essay Sample

The coming of European colonialism radically altered the Igbo consciousness and compelled them to pull upon chances of the ‘new order’ to run into societal and economic demands. The 20th century was a period when the Nigerian people had to come to footings with the ‘new order’ introduced by their forceful integrating into the planetary capitalist system. New music had been introduced ; new dance stairss were required.

This survey examines how the Igbo. in response to and in malice of. these kineticss carved a distinguishable topographic point for themselves in Nigeria’s societal and economic development. Indeed. the nature of the topographic point of the Igbo vis-a-vis the country’s socio-economic development provokes rational agitation. Are they taking their topographic point in the Sun or are they hewers of wood and fetchers of H2O in the Nigerian super construction? What factors have shaped their development? To what extent have external kineticss shaped the Igbo socio-economic factor? What are the portents for the hereafter?

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Introduction
The Igbo economic system was dominated by agribusiness. trade and local industries. Between the eighteenth and 19th centuries. the Aro people ( whose historical beginnings are influenced by Ibibio and other riverine links ) developments about became an economic hegemony over Igboland. This is important because the Igbo. unlike many other cultural groups that make up Nigeria. were ne’er wielded into a big imperium or province. ( hypertext transfer protocol: //www. worldlingo. com/ma/enwiki/en/Aro_people ) [ 1 ] The Aro were both priests and clever bargainers and traveled and traded extensively in Igbo and Ibibio lands. Consequently. assorted Aro colonies were established and dominated the local markets. They besides specialized in purchasing and merchandising of slaves. whereas the seashore communities received slaves and other trade goods for their critical export trade. Their trade paths in the backwoods that the Aro controlled and monitored radiated in all waies ; nevertheless. Aro’s domination did non roll up to a comprehensive political control. ( Anene 1979 ) [ 2 ] Following the British devastation of the Ibinu Ukpabi. ( the Aro’s cardinal instrument of spiritual patterns and concern domination ) the procedure that forcefully brought the Igbo state into Nigeria commenced. Today. Igbos dominates the South-Eastern Nigeria provinces of Imo. Abia. Anambra. Enugu. and Ebonyi. These Igbo communities besides form ample minorities in Delta State that is located West of the River Niger and the semi-coastal of River State.

Igbo Entrepreneurship in the Colonial Period
Pre-colonial Igbo economic system had fundamentally three foundations: agribusiness. trade and industries. Agribusiness was the pillar of the country’s economic system. It was mostly subsistence in nature and everyone. irrespective of gender. to the full participated. Yam was the stable harvest. Initially emphases on agribusiness supersede that of trade. Ecological differences and varied flora were the major factors behind the development of local and regional trade amongst the Igbo. The dwellers of northern and cardinal Igboland. whose dirts were over-farmed. resorted to merchandise. The find of Fe ore in Awka. salt in Uburu and Okposi. and lead in Abakaliki encouraged mineral development and the growing of trades and industries such as the celebrated blacksmithing forges in Awka ( Anene 1979 ) [ 3 ] . There were commercial links between the Igbo and their Benin. Igalla. Idoma. Ibibio and Ijaw neighbours during the pre-Colonial Era. The Aro extended their commercial links far and broad and thereby subsumed into Aro economic hegemony.

It is a fact that the coastal demand for slaves whetted Aro’s greed and did non work successfully with the earlier trade links. During the period of the 19th century. the new developments that shaped Igbo societal and economic development were outlined and projected for the following century. Although the Aro successfully kept much of Igboland under its control with its awful Ibinu Ukpabi and renowned Abam mercenary-warriors. they could non defy the precursors of British colonial regulation. Olutayo highlights these developments: The major crisis of the Aro oligarchy began with the relentless enlargement of European influence. . . Christian religion became established on the Niger. From the late 1830s. the British began to subscribe slave trade pacts with assorted communities. The constitution of British consuls. foremost. at the Bights of Benin and Biafra. and subsequently. at the Oil Rivers. after being made a associated state under the United African Company. and so on. all contributed to weaken the spiritual and economic domination of the Aro. The people started to jettison the traditional faith and beliefs. The constitution of consular agents besides assisted the British in get rid ofing human scarifies. particularly through the constitution of Native Courts under MacDonald’s disposal in 1891.

The edifice of roads did non follow the old trade paths. and the administrative central office bit by bit moved merchandise off from the Aro trade path web. ( Olutayo 1999 ) [ 4 ] Coastal bargainers and some pro-British groups among the Igbo saw economic advantages and helped the British get rid of the Aro oligarchy. This new state of affairs gave the Igbo backwoods manufacturers of palm oil and allied merchandises direct entree to coastal bargainers who had dealt with the Aro jobbers. Some of these coastal bargainers were besides Igbo. It besides gave the Igbo entree from the countries adjacent to the North. and more coastal-bound compatriots. direct entree to the Europeans. Over clip. the Northern Igbo became more favourably fain towards trade and confederations with the Europeans to the hurt of their Southern counter parts ( Olutayo 1999 ) . [ 5 ]

These were merely a few of the kineticss to proclaim Igbo entrepreneurship during the colonial period. In most economic systems. the agricultural foundations were made up of Nigerian entities and stopped the mercantilist industrial capitalist economy of the colonialists. Undoubtedly. the colonial maestro was motivated by opportunism but the edifice of modern substructure. the development of modern communicating. the encouragement of growing of hard currency harvest production. debut of portable currency. western instruction. urbanisation and other trademarks of integrating into a capitalist and monetized system implied that chances and challenges stood before the Nigerian people. The Igbo communities. in comparing to the Yoruba. had a comparatively late start in taking advantages of these chances. This is chiefly because of latter’s earlier contact with Europeans. Brazilians and other non-African factors. However. with a dynamism that characterizes the innate Igbo flexibleness. they came to footings with the new universe demands.

The political economic system of the Igbo had been self-motivated Nigerians moved from the pre-colonial economic system into the slave trade epoch ( an era that extended into the colonial economic system ) . One major part that can non be disputed by Africanists is the fact that colonial capitalist economy subordinated the preexistent societal construction within. which many people participated. Unlike in the northern portion of Nigeria where. harmonizing to Shenton. merchandiser capitalist economy did non subordinate the bing societal construction good plenty ( Shenton 1986 ) . [ 6 ] Eastern Nigeria witnessed appreciable transmutation of its societal construction. It was within the eastern part. unlike in the other parts of Nigeria that capitalist economy had a free manus. to make whatever it wanted. The colonial authorities catalyzed this procedure vastly ( Olutayo 1999 ) . [ 7 ] Colonialism boosted the alleged legitimate trade in its ain involvement. The Igbo communities gained comparative free entree to the trade in thenar green goods because of the British devastation of Aro and associated involvement particularly with the coastal 1s. The 20th century gave the glow of chance to the Igbo enterpriser.

However. this procedure increased the figure of people take parting in trade. which a bulk of these participants were provincials. bring forthing and trading on a little graduated table since they had small or no entree to loans and involvement whereas the Aros and other coastal bargainers had possessed ( Olutayo 1999 ) . [ 8 ] This state of affairs facilitated the infliction of colonial regulation and the subsequent development of substructure to hike European commercial activity. In this new dispensation. the Europeans needed autochthonal agents who could neither on their ain export trade goods nor import foreign goods. With sweeping favoritism against Nigerian enterprisers by the Bankss and effectual European combinations to muscle out new entrants into the market. it was obvious that the Igbo were non traveling to happen things easy in the new socio-economic dispensation. However. the new Western manner of life has become the primary hope of endurance and accomplishment for the younger Igbo. and for all Nigerians.

Trade replaced agribusiness and fabrication and became the preferable profession aboard civil service for Nigerians and was noted as the quickest avenue of incorporating into the monetized economic system. In the 1920s. 1930s and even beyond. foreign companies like the Royal Niger Company. Miller Brothers. John Holt. United African Company. G. B. Ollivants. and other concerns subjugated large-scale commercial activities. Equally early as 1931. a few rich Igbo persons gained foothold in the thenar oil trade as agents of major European houses ( Nzimiro 1972 ) . [ 9 ] The pursuit for endurance and success would non let the Igbo to accept the pecking order that was consigned in this new dispensation. The great population denseness. the overworked dirt. the uneffective communal manner of production and the wagess and glamor of the new capitalist system. encouraged monolithic migration by the Igbo to the metropoliss created in the aftermath of colonial regulation.

Though this was non curious to the Igbo. Pax Britannica and the demands of the new economic system compelled antecedently home-bound people to seek new frontiers. Igbo were likely the most adversely affected by hapless natural and economic conditions at place. and became unusually footloose. in comparing to the Hausa-Fulani. Nnoli points out: By 1952 about 99. 000 Igbo occupants lived in the Midwest and Lagos. They constituted 8 per centum the entire urban population of these countries of 1. 2 million. and 51 per centum of the non-indigenous population. In Lagos. Benin. Kano and Kaduna. they constituted over 30 per centum of the non-indigenous occupants. Therefore. unlike the more materially-developed Hausa and Yoruba lingual peoples. the Igbo were more driven to travel ( Okwudiba 1978 ) . [ 10 ]

However. as the Igbo gained entree in the bureaucratism. other professions. and commercialism. there was competition with other nationalities. Against the background of the agitation for self-determination between the 1930s and 1950s. this tendency was occasioned by many factors. First was the depression of the 1930s. which led to fall in the monetary values of export hard currency harvests. The little African manufacturer or bargainer was adversely affected and struggled ferociously against his fellow African for economic success. It was non until the coming of World War II that progressively rose in the planetary demand for African natural stuffs and changed the old equation. Yet. other challenges still remained. The increasing attractive force of political relations was unfastened chances to the good life ; nevertheless. independency worsened its clash between the Nigerian nationalities. Not to be underestimated was the strategic economic caput start of the Yoruba as manifested in the location of Lagos. Olutayo compactly sums up the state of affairs: The location of Lagos and its closeness to Yoruba societies coupled with the earliest engagement in colonial disposal and transnational corporations – in big proportion – gave them headroom in set uping their ain entrepreneurial outfits. The Igbo were seeable in merchandising second-hand stuffs. including motor trim parts ( Olutayo 1999 ) . [ 11 ]

This trade merely became moneymaking with their migration to Lagos. Port Harcourt. and the North through transit on the roads and railroads provided by the colonial authorities. Given that the emerging autochthonal elite within this epoch were besides seeking for control of the economic system. peculiarly in the Eastern and Western parts of Nigeria. since the full British colonial construction was weakening and willing to switch their patterns to recover power. Foreign companies channeled their resources to large-scale fabrication. and as from 1957. they moved to more technologically advanced trades. Interestingly. the assorted regional authoritiess. likely in acknowledgment of their economic failing. put up development boards and corporations that encouraged foreign industries with revenue enhancement alleviations and other steps. These regional industries partnered with foreign houses that inhibited the formation of private Nigerian capital and deprived the Nigeria enterpriser of full commercial entree.

The Igbo and the Challenges of Social and Economic Development in the Colonial Era Despite its obvious defects and continued foreign domination. the socio-economic state of affairs in the period of pursuit for self-government had some chances that the Igbo could turn to their advantage. The Nigeria economic system. under British capitalist monopoly. faced stiff competition from new bargainers because of the monolithic growing demand occasioned by rapid addition in peasant agricultural export net incomes. Demand for imported goods rose from 20 million lbs in 1946 to 62 million in 1950. By 1954. it was one hundred and 14 million lbs and one hundred and 66 million in 1958. Barriers to new Sellerss greatly reduced as merchandiser houses. makers. gross revenues bureaus. and Nigerian bargainers. made great in-roads into a commercialism that was monopolized by British and Indian companies ( Kilby 1975 ) . [ 12 ] To accommodate to the times. since their antique commercial. agricultural and fabrication patterns could non gain them success even when their integrating into the monetized economic system could non assist. the Igbo turned to their famed communal civic spirit. This spirit of ofu obeah and onye aghala nwanne ya. [ 13 ] became the footing of Igbo entrepreneurial success and the apprenticeship system that vitalizes commercial accomplishment.

Since the command to derive entree to the new universe bred stiff inter-ethnic competition. it was necessary that the Igbo be effectual to mobilise politically. Early on as 1949. Nnamdi Azikiwe. the dean of independency political relations. sought to mobilise his people into a cohesive unit. He openly advocated that God had chosen the Igbo to take Africans out of colonial bondage and reflected this stance in a pursuit for Igbo promotion. This stance attracted ill will from the Yoruba anti-colonial politicians ( Olutayo 1999 ) . [ 14 ] However. these attempts yielded success for the Igbo. Outside Igbo-land. the Igbo formed common benefit associations. recognition societies. and betterment organisations that had ties with the fatherland. An Igbo Union formed in 1934. its enlargement became the Igbo State Union. It embraced all Igbo associations within and outside Nigeria. The progressive or betterment brotherhoods functioned as variety meats of local self-determination and enabled the Igbo to come to footings with the challenges of the urban country. This scheme of autochthonal mobilisation was unknown and fresh by the Yoruba and Hausa-Fulani until old ages subsequently. Consequently. the Igbo successfully bridged the societal and economic spread between them and other nationalities.

The undermentioned statistics indicated the successes of the Igbo for their quest of societal and economic promotions through their well-organized squad attempts. By 1952. there were one hundred and 15 Igbo pupils as opposed to one hundred and 18 Yoruba pupils at the University College in Ibadan. By 1959. there were more students and instructors in Eastern Nigeria than elsewhere ( despite the West’s chase of a free instruction plan ) . In the Ports Authority and the armed forces. the Igbos occupied many of the upper-management places. At the economic degree. the Igbo through their communal associations had the highest Numberss of little graduated table enterprisers: 68. 220 persons in recognition associations. as compared to 5. 776 for the West and 2. 407 for the North ( Olutayo 1999 ) . [ 15 ] The period between the 1930s and 1950s witnessed the outgrowth of Igbo millionaires who occupied the pride of topographic point in the country’s emerging elect and corporate power houses.

Statistically. they were few but their impacts were far-reaching. Thus Sir Louis Odumegwu Ojukwu. likely Nigeria’s foremost millionaire. was the innovator president of the Nigerian Stock Exchange and a manager of Shell. The celebrated enterpriser. Patrick Nwokoye Okeke-Ojiudu. became Eastern Nigeria’s innovator agribusiness curate and spearheaded the region’s agricultural transmutation under Premier Michael Okpara. Thus the colonial epoch that begun on less than a cheerful note for the Igbo quest for societal and economic development ended on a promisingly one. Ndi-Igbo in Nigeria’s Socio-Economic Development From 1960 – 1966 The first six old ages of independency had far-reaching effects for the Igbo quest for socio-economic promotion within Nigeria and developments within this period were largely political and they had their roots in the colonial period. By 1960. the Igbo had become the important participants in the national economic system. They besides occupied of import administrative places and doing impressive raids into other facets of life. However. the calculated building of Nigeria by the colonial Masterss. they left political personal businesss in the control of their proteges from other parts.

Such control would non work good for Ndi-Igbo. which are non enamored by the British personal businesss and openly resisted during the Colonial Era. For illustration. the Aba women’s rebellion was perceived as menace to the new post-colonial order. This does non by any agencies suggest that they ignored the complex differences between the different groups in which united them into an independent Nigeria. These differences and other contradictions of the new province germinated the seed sown by British imperialism. Although the agricultural end product of Eastern Nigeria has ne’er been abundant. the part is endowed with a assortment of agricultural resources. The authoritiess of Premiers Nnamdi Azikiwe. and peculiarly Michael Okpara. harnessed them. The celebrated farm colonies and palm plantations were established. The National Crop Research Institute in Umuahia came into being. Under the leading of Patrick Nwokoye Okeke-Ojiudu. of import economic establishments of the part were either established or revitalized.

The Universal Insurance Company was set up ; the Eastern Nigeria Development Corporation and Nigerian Construction and Furniture Corporation were re-organized ( Okeke-Ojiudu 2010 ) . [ 16 ] On the national scene the Igbo were an evident success narrative. By 1964. the Igbo were allegedly busying 270 of the 431 senior stations in the Nigeria Railway Corporation. Three-fourthss of staff of Nigeria’s Foreign Service were of Igbo extraction. and the vice-chancellors of the Universities of Ibadan and Lagos by the same period were Igbo professors ( Olutayo 1999 ) . [ 17 ] It was inevitable that these howling accomplishments would make some clash between the Igbo and their compatriots. The stiff competition in the urban countries between the quickly spread outing Igbo migrators. other migrators. and the autochthonal population for scarce resources in an overpoweringly monetized economic system was expected. Consequently. this societal and economic state of affairs might non hold been so powerful if the battle for political domination had non been present. As independency approached and party political relations began. all the groups in the state came to see political power as the key to the promotion of their involvements.

Each group wanted one of its leaders. its ‘son’ to be the caput the personal businesss of the local authorities country or part it belonged to. including to command the federal authorities. Whoever had an upper-management place in the authorities. such as the regional and federal authoritiess. one had control over the operational allotment and distribution of political and other benefits that came with all cardinal and regional degrees within the federal civil order ( or known as system of wagess ) . The caput of authorities had the power to find industries locations and which countries would hold pipe-borne H2O. electricity. and tarred roads. They besides had the power to find who would be granted loans and awarded contracts. and who would be employed in the civil service and government-owned companies ( Okeke 1998 ) . [ 18 ] Furthermore. the quest for political power became a manner to achieve and prolong economic growing. and make more economic chances. The Igbo’s chief political instrument between 1960 and 1966 was the National Convention of Nigerian Citizens ( NCNC ) .

The NCNC’s engagement at regional and federal authorities degrees was to advance Igbo involvement. even at the disbursal of other groups in Eastern Nigeria. They could non develop a pan regional individuality for all the cultural groups in the East because the minorities felt excluded from an Igbo-dominated authorities. Nonetheless. given the Igbo force per unit area for economic and societal authorization. the NCNC authorities had to run into the Igbo demands. The force per unit area on the NCNC partly compelled it to take political steps of which contributed to national clash and these political jokes were non unusual to the NCNC. For illustration. in the North. the Northern People’s Congress led authorities personal businesss pursued a Northernization policy that excluded non-Northerners. peculiarly the Igbo. out of paid employment in the part and harassed their commercial entree ( Okeke 1998 ) [ 19 ] . Yet. Igbo entrepreneurship forged in front. partially because of the people’s finding to win. alone institutional kineticss. and the demand for their services in a turning Nigerian economic system. As different political crises challenged the immature Republic. a repeating denary became obvious.

The Igbo seemed to be against the opinion elite. even though they were portion of the middle class. Inter-group dealingss by and large were tense. exacerbated by the actions of the political category. This type of form indicated that with the comparative emasculation of the Yoruba via the Action Group crisis of 1962. the scene was set for the politically dominant Hausa-Fulani and the economically dominant Igbo to wrestle for domination. Professors Dudley and O’ Connell Dudley and Connel 1966 ) [ 20 ] argued that though about at par with the Yoruba socially and economically at this clip. the Igbo were profoundly alienated. Their party could non run into their aspirations. Unemployment was at its highest in Igbo land. Igbos besides suffered the demands of the Northernization policy. With less hope confronting cultural coherence and solid representation in the armed forces. they challenged the authorities. By no agency was the January 15. 1966 putsch a portion of an Igbo docket to govern the state. as every grounds available shows.

However. the reaction of Easterners and Ironsi’s outgrowth as the Head of State showed marks of blessing. With the slaughters of May – September 1966 and the outgrowth of Yakubu Gowon as the Head of State. following Ironsi’s overthrow. it became clear that the political equation excluded the Igbo. The monolithic and barbarous break of their economic. societal. and educational balance through the pogrom began the reversal of the Igbo socio-economic attainments of the Colonial Era. An Overview of Impacts of the Civil War on the Socio-Economic Development of Ndi-Igbo One major and alone trait of the Igbo enterpriser is the bravery. doggedness. and finding in which they carried on despite their bad experiences and losingss during the Nigerian Civil war from 1967 to 1970 ( Dudly 1974 ) . [ 21 ] By the eruption of the civil war. despite the crises that had taken topographic point in Nigeria in 1966. the Igbo still occupied impressive highs in the societal and economic spectrum. Although they had been dislodged by the pogrom of 1966 from different parts of Nigeria. except the East. Igbo entrepreneurship still thrived. The great Louis Odumegwu-Ojukwu died. yet his bequests remained vivacious and other economic colossuss followed such as P. N. Okeke – Ojiudu. Joe Madukwe. and so forth to keep the facade of expansive Igbo capitalist economy.

Displaced Igbo intellectuals. authors. diplomats and socialites still kept Igbo socio-economic life in Eastern Nigeria vibrant. However. as the national crises of 1966 traveled quickly towards civil war. Igbo socio-economic development was bound to be adversely affected. The first major blow to Igbo economic growing during the Civil War period occurred in 1967 when the Federal Government imposed economic countenances on the Eastern Region. These countenances emanated from the East’s response to the Federal Government reading of determinations reached between it and the Eastern Regional authorities at the 4 -5 January 1967 conference at Aburi. Ghana. Following the Federal Government’s publication of Decree No. 8 as the official version of the Aburi address. the Eastern authorities passed some edicts that empowered it to do usage of Federal Government gross collected in the part. In response. the Federal Government imposed countenances.

These steps were a monolithic economic encirclement of the East which was enforced by the Nigerian Military ( Madiebo 1980 ) . [ 22 ] When one realizes that the pulse of Eastern Nigeria is commercialism and that the nature of the terrain requires extended contact with their neighbours for endurance. one begins to understand how the encirclement posed a stiff challenge to the region’s corporate economic endurance. The celebrated Onitsha market. a commercial hub deserving 1000000s of lbs. was earnestly affected. The lone clip the encirclement was informally but non officially broken by the Eastern Nigeria was in the period between August and October 1967. This was during the war when the Eastern Nigeria. now self – declared Biafra. invaded and briefly occupied the Mid-western part. On the other manus. with the reversal of Biafra military lucks. the encirclement was re-imposed and made even more rigorous ( Madiebo 1974 ) . [ 23 ] Throughout the war. the Igbo economic system suffered from stagnancy and degeneration. Schools were closed down ; economic activities were channeled to the executing of the war and above all there was a monolithic devastation of substructure and loss of the productive work force as casualties of war.

Night markets became the norm for the entrepreneurial people. Such markets were designed to run at hours when the rivals were deemed improbable to run. In the latter phases of the war. a bulk of Biafra came under federal control. and a survival-based type of trade began. known as an “ahia [ 24 ] attack” . It involved make bolding Biafrans that entered into Nigeria-held countries to purchase all the needed necessities and so resold to their beleaguered compatriots. While the ethical foundation of such commercialism was questionable. it represented the continued and determined Igbo economic inventiveness in the thick of hardship. Due to the steps of drastic alterations to the currency held by the Nigerian authorities in 1968 and ictus of Biafra and pro-Biafra concern people’s assets. endurance became tormenting and besides compelled people to seek alternate methods of economic look.

The Dawn of Modern Igbo Industry
In the pre-colonial economic system of Ndi-Igbo. fabrication and autochthonal industry were corollary of farming and trade. However. certain countries of Igboland became celebrated for specific industries ( e. g. the blacksmiths of Awka and the weavers of Akwete ) . Colonial monetisation of the economic system made these autochthonal industries unattractive. With the eruption of the Civil War. Igbo people’s traditional technological inventiveness was rejuvenated. As discussed in the old pages. the colonial and early post-colonial period had witnessed Ndi-Igbo drawing themselves and focused on the pinnacle of educational and economic accomplishment. Now. they capitalized on them. It can be argued that these were despairing steps caused by despairing times. and non a conjunct attempt at industrialisation. until one realizes that some of their indispensable constituents come from the footing of modern-day Igbo industrial procedure. It must be acknowledged that modern Igbo industrialisation procedure commenced during the war. To work out its military and industrial demands in the aftermath of the encirclement. the Biafran authorities constituted some of its best scientists and technicians into the Research and Production Board ( RAP ) . Harmonizing to Madiebo. RAP worked with the belief that no job was impossible to work out Madiebo 1974 ) . [ 25 ]

Working with local resources and content. they delved into virtually all countries of production. from the edifice of refineries to the production of place grown vino. The local weaponries industry developed by RAP was specifically for the state of affairs and was unsophisticated compared to modern-day criterions. However. the Biafra hand-made grenades. ogbunigwes. [ 26 ] projectiles. and guns kept Biafra steady long after they lost entree to official external beginnings. It should non be assumed that the war-time industrial attempts of the Igbo implied that the design for the industrialisation of Igboland began during this period. If such an docket existed in the secessionist enclave. the demands of endurance and the ramping war precluded it. The important fact is that the war-time technological attempts laid the footing for the Igbo inventions that came old ages after the war. Since the Civil War the Igbo have moved from trade to industry. this was get downing the following stage of the Igbo quest for economic promotion.

The 3Rs and the Post Civil War Igbo Condition
The thoughts of Reconstruction. rehabilitation. and rapprochement have indispensable common characteristics. In general idiom. Reconstruction connotes the procedure of altering or bettering the status of something or the manner it works ; the procedure of seting something into the province it was before ; the activity of edifice once more something that has been damaged or destroyed. Rehabilitation connotes the procedure of assisting person to hold a normal. utile life once more after he/she has been deprived for a long clip ; to get down to see that person is good or acceptable. after a long period during which he/she was considered bad or unacceptable ; to return a edifice to its old good status. Reconciliation represents an terminal to a dissension and the start of a good relationship once more. the procedure of doing it possible for two thoughts. facts. etc. to be together without being opposed to each other. Dokun Oyeshola ( Oyeshola 2005 ) . [ 27 ] nowadayss that reconciliation as a struggle managing mechanism entails the following nucleus elements viz. :

1. Honest recognition of human hurt each party has inflicted on the other.
2. Sincere declinations and compunction for the hurt done.
3. Readiness to apologise for one’s function in bring downing the hurt.
4. Readiness of the conflicting parties to ‘let go’ of the choler and resentment caused by the struggle and the hurt.
5. Committedness by the wrongdoer non to reiterate the hurt.
6. Sincere attempt to right past grudges that caused the struggle and counterbalance the harm caused to the extent possible.
7. Entering into a new reciprocally enriching relationship.

The effect of the above processes taking to a new relationship is referred to as rapprochement and one of it’s by-products is the mending of deep emotional lesions generated by the struggle. Scholars have documented post-war Nigerian economic development. to dominantly affect infrastructural Reconstruction and building of oil related industrial constructions. There is grounds that whereas authorities was overwhelmed in the development of the oil and allied industries. no attempt was directed at accommodating the cardinal contending issues for which the civil war was fought. All farther agitations have reflected a repeat of the cardinal differences. Although Okechuku Okeke observed that ‘at the terminal of the civil war’ in January 1970. the Federal Military Government remained moderate in such a triumph: it proclaimed a ‘No Victor. No Vanquished’ policy and granted general amnesty to the people of the defeated side in the war. [ 28 ]

This was to a big extent of mere lip service because the above Dokuns’s proposed mechanism was ne’er put in topographic point. While it could be true that General Yakubu Gowon. the Nigerian Head of State. meant good towards the defeated Biafrans. the nature of official policy towards them spelt something different. Therefore. the 3R-programme of the Gowon authorities aimed for rapprochement. rehabilitation and Reconstruction in the war-ravaged part. but its economic and societal reverberation for Ndi-Igbo who constituted the bulk of the defeated people was across-the-board. Before the war ended. ( around 1969 ) the Nigerian authorities introduced a new gross allotment expression that became adhering on the East-central province ( i. e. the defeated Igbo heartland as they reintegrate into Nigeria ) . The policy was based on the result of the work of the Interim Revenue Allocation Review Committee led by I. O. Dina. The commission was mandated by the authorities to do alterations in the bing gross allotment system and suggested new ways of gross coevals for both the federal and province authoritiess ( Okeke 1998 ) . [ 29 ]

The committee’s suggestion that derivation cease for gross allotment was non to the full accepted by the federal and province commissioners of finance. The federal authorities. get downing in early 1970. implemented most of the committee’s recommendations. The federal authorities reduced the weight of derivation and increased the beginnings of financess collectible into the Distributive Pool Allocation ( DPA ) . The East-central province got monolithic grants earmarked for Reconstruction undertakings. Indeed. with the rise in Nigeria’s oil grosss in 1973-74. the East-central state’s statutory allotment of N58. 3 million was the 2nd highest to Mid-Western and Rivers provinces ( Okeke 1998 ) . [ 30 ] What did these sums translate into for the rehabilitation of Ndi-Igbo into the mainstream of Nigeria’s economic system? Regardless of this background. the searchlight necessarily beams on the post-Civil War economic plans of the Nigerian authorities and what was implied for Ndi-Igbo. From all indicants the Economic Indigenization Program spearheaded by the Gowon authorities was a far-reaching. bold step aimed at guaranting autochthonal control of the economic system.

It is disposed to observe the purpose of the edict was to give birth to the economic indigenization plan. On February 23. 1972. the Federal Military Government promulgated a new jurisprudence called the Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree and established an Institution called the Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Board. whose chief Function was to progress and develop the publicity of endeavors where the citizens of Nigeria will take part to the full and play a dominant function ( Federal Republic of Nigeria. Nigeria Enterprises Promotion Decree. Official Gazette 1972 ) . [ 31 ] The Indigenization edict classified endeavors and degrees of engagement for Nigerians and non-Nigerians. While the range of this work could non include an in-depth analysis of the edict it merely focused on the agendas and endeavors that were drawn up in the jurisprudence:

Agenda 1: This contained 22 endeavors merely Nigerians could put in. control. and operate. The lone aliens allowed to take part in Schedule 1 were citizens of African states that their authoritiess allowed Nigerians to make similar concerns within the states.

Agenda 2: This included 33 endeavors or ‘types of activity’ ( harmonizing to the edict ) that allowed foreign engagement due to major fiscal and technological demands. The little 1s among them had a paid-up portion capital of less than 200. 000 lbs or an one-year turn-over of less than 500. 000 lbs each that were reserved entirely for Nigerians. Those endeavors under Schedule 2 that had paid-up portion capital or one-year turn-over exceeded these bounds were unfastened to foreign engagement. Exception to foreign engagement in these endeavors was non in its entireness. Nigerians required to hold at least 40 percent equity engagement in them ( Federal Republic of Nigeria. Nigeria Enterprises Promotion Decree. Official Gazette 1972 ) . [ 32 ] One may inquire: were Ndi-Igbo capable of take parting in this radical economic design that was a central constituent of the country’s Second National Development Plan? Apparently. the reply is no. Historically. the affairs were more complex. It was non merely that the Igbo were unequipped in any manner to accommodate to the new economic order.

It was that official policy. despite the claims deprived the Igbo to win by the new autochthonal economic acme. Under the counsel of Obafemi Awolowo. the Federal Commissioner of Finance under Gowon. a policy was introduced and all dwellers of the war-ravaged country were entitled to the amount of 20 lbs. irrespective of the amount already in Bankss or elsewhere within Nigeria. The policy was clearly aimed at castrating Ndi-Igbo financially. Additionally. the Nigerian economic system needed extra financess after its war-time fiscal overstretch. This policy incapacitated the Igbo from all-out engagement in Indigenization or other exalted economic plans of the authorities. The skewness of the spacial distribution of the indigenized endeavors and a widespread belief that the assorted parts of the state did non hold equal entree to the portions sold by the indigenized endeavors made some critics from some subdivisions of the state condemn the plan and its writers.

For case. many sentiment leaders in Igboland claimed that since the plan was launched hardly two old ages after the Civil War ( when Ndi-Igbo were non financially stable ) . At this clip. the Yoruba were more solvent and dominated the federal civil service. where they were able to purchase a big sum of the portions that was sold to Nigerians through foreign endeavors that were affected by the indigenization Torahs ( Olutayo 1999 ) . [ 33 ] In order to last and boom the Igbo accepted the new dispensation. Shortly after the war. mass migration to other parts of Nigeria and even outside the state began with the Igbo. In the minority countries of Southern Nigeria. particularly contemporary Rivers and Bayelsa provinces. there were flash points of ill will over contentions environing belongingss abandoned by the Igbo during the war. Nevertheless. economic and societal interaction between the Igbo and other Nigerians continued alongside the pre-Civil War forms. Igbo technological progresss during the war were survival-oriented.

Overall. peace was geared towards the rudimentss of industrial procedures. This procedure involved directing equipment manufactured in Europe to some of the Asiatic states such as Taiwan. Japan. and China for duplicate that were imported back into Nigeria. [ 34 ] It was in the 1970s and early eightiess that Igboland began to be known for fundamental. copy-cat industrialisation. Towns like Aba and Nnewi gained celebrity in this respect. although they had been reputed as entrepots before this period. The new kineticss of inter-group dealingss in post-Civil War. Nigeria determined how far the Igbo would be involved in the new dispensation. The 1970s and 1980s: A Period of Mixed Blessings for Ndi-Igbo Nearly two decennaries after the war. the Igbo regained their socio-economic equilibrium. This was partially because the Igbo were no longer a decisive factor in the country’s political construction. Notwithstanding the items of reintegration. the antique competition resurfaced and the ‘system of rewards’ was practiced once more. Consecutive military authoritiess from 1970 to 1979 experient economic kineticss. political and administrative incompetence. and other challenges that reflected on the economic system.

The oil oversupply of the 1980s and the nutrient crisis in the state within this period encouraged a monolithic nutrient importing exercising by the Shagari authorities. There was no history of this plan as a footing for agricultural. allow entirely. industrial promotion. However. in the curious Nigerian surroundings. this created a category of millionaires who had entree to rice importing licences because of their political affinity. From 1982 to 1983. when this importing bazar was supreme. Igbo business communities were mostly eclipsed from the upper echelon. merely a few people associated with the governing National Party of Nigeria. If Igbo middle class profited. it was at lower degrees as agents and jobbers. The Babangida government ( 1985-93 ) instituted policies that had far-reaching deductions for Igbo mercantilist capitalist economy. In the usual ferocious inter-ethnic competition that characterizes group dealingss among Nigerians other groups besides sought benefits from the regime’s policies. In 1986 when the planetary monetary value for oil fell every bit low as 12 dollars per barrel. the Babangida government adopted the Structural Adjustment Program ( SAP ) . By its nature. SAP was laissez-faire ; it encouraged unfastened markets. foreign investings. trade liberalisation and deregulating of authorities engagement in concern. This was a roar for Igbo enterprisers who had been stifled by the indigenization plan.

The Igbo needed merely small chance to happen their pess economically. The liberalisation policies of the Babangida government enabled Igbo business communities entree antecedently ‘closed’ concerns. However. the deregulating of the naira. continued public sector insufficiencies and the remotion of subsidies earnestly affected the emerging Igbo endeavors. Therefore in the Babangida old ages. a new category of Igbo millionaires began to emerge. A sufficient figure of agents were involved in foreign capital and authorities buddies. Very few stood out for their entrepreneurial vision and shortly after the Babangida old ages. things moved into new dimensions. Igbo Quest for Socio-Economic Advancement in the Abacha Years ( 1993-1998 ) I will follow Olutayo’s observation that ‘with small or no authorities aid. the Igbo have moved from trade to industry since the terminal of the civil war’ ( Olutayo 1999 ) . [ 36 ] as the background for analysing the Igbo quest for socio-economic promotion in the Abacha old ages ( 1993-1998 ) .

There is statistical grounds to back up the claim that in footings of private part to national wealth. the Igbos all over the state history for a far greater per centum of the non-oil Gross National Product than any other cultural group. [ 37 ] It would be a good trial of this claim to hold all Igbo-owned concerns in Nigeria stopping point store for a twenty-four hours and see what becomes of the national economic system. At the degree of direction of resources. Igboland contains the highest per centum of individuals who typify the classical capitalist myth of shreds to wealths in Nigeria. They have the ability to change over hopeless hardship to amazing wealth within a really short clip without depending on authorities backing and press releases. There is no rebuting the fact that Igbo enterprise drew small or no breath from a formal authorities public assistance program. Clearly. the Igbo have prospered without it. with minimum restrictions. Like all good capitalists. what an mean Igbo have ever sought after are favourable political conditions for their mercantile involvements without acquiring unduly involved in the power game. On history of its human rights surpluss and anti-democratic certificates. the Abacha government faced stiff economic countenances from the West.

The authorities quickly tilted its foreign policy to run into the demands in the East. States like China became important participants in Nigeria’s economic system. China’s economic and technological prominence needs no expatiation. The Nigeria-Chinese relation is a reasonably recent phenomenon. For the entrepreneurial Igbo. commercial contact with Asia dated back to the late 19th century ( Nwaozichi 2000 ) . [ 38 ] States like China and Taiwan were instrumental to the industrial development of Igbo towns like Nnewi. With the sanction of the Abacha authorities. Igbo-Asian mercantile soared. Asiatic countries’ electronic goods. vesture. vehicle trim parts. etc. flooded Igbo entrepots. Igbo makers duplicated their partners’ designs and gave them “more acceptable” labels. Auto trim parts production companies in Igboland sourced constituents from their Asiatic spouses. Chinese companies were ready to spouse with Igbo business communities whose market cognition was unexcelled. Therefore by the post-Abacha old ages and the return of civilian regulation in 1999. the ‘Asian Tigers’ ( China. South Korea. Taiwan. Indonesia. etc. ) had gained a strong bridgehead in the modern-day Igbo economic system. However. Igbo Renaissance in these modern-day times was a complex phenomenon shaped by assorted factors. Igbo Renaissance and the One-Man-Show Syndrome

Between the terminal of the Civil War and the modern-day period. the Igbo have experienced enormous alteration. Although this alteration has been negative and rooted in the region’s loss of socio-economic foundation laid before the war. some intellectuals argue that there have been other developments that may be tagged a mark of Renaissance. Igbo entrepreneurship and industry within this epoch is a success narrative. They ( the Igbo ) engage in all kinds of activities. particularly trade. in order to accomplish the purpose of endurance and position mobility. While seeking to be successful in all enterprises. they have been faced with tremendous hindrances which. with dour bravery. finding. and doggedness. they attempt to predominate. The successes attained in these enterprises have been singular. Invention is a central facet of the new moving ridge of Igbo industrialisation. Companies like Cutix Plc and Adswitch Plc ( both quoted in the second-tier securities market of the Nigerian Stock Exchange ) is renowned for the fabrication of electric overseas telegrams and electric switchgear.

Respectively. Ebunso manufactures process equipment. John White manufactures fan belts. Uru Industries industries brake overseas telegrams. Edison industries brake tablets. places and liners. and OCE Filters manufactures oil filters while Godwin-Kris specializes in no-good car parts. Coscharis Group of Companies manufactures clocking and roller ironss. and Niger Auto Industries manufactures motor parts. The Numberss of industries in this class are legion ; all are championed by Igbo persons without any input from the authorities. The collection of bikes in Nnewi with local trade name names is no longer a intelligence point. What is now in trend is centrifugal vehicle fabrication. Before now. Anambra Motor Manufacturing Company ( ANAMCO ) was the lone vehicle piecing works in the whole of South East. ANAMMCO was conceived in the seventiess as a joint venture between the Federal Government of Nigeria ( FGN ) and Daimler-Benz AG ( “Daimler” ) of Germany to import and piece Wholly Knocked Down ( CKD ) units of Mercedes Benz trucks and coachs in Nigeria ( Anamco 2010 ) . [ 39 ] and was being managed by aliens.

In March 2007. FGN through the Bureau for Public Enterprises ( BPE ) sold 24 % out of its 35 % involvement in ANAMMCO to G. U. Okeke & A ; Sons Limited ( GUO ) . a company owned by Chief Godfrey Ubaka Okeke ( an Igbo transporter/industrialist ) . GUO besides acquired 3 % of ANAMMCO’s equity from Leventis Ltd. and another 0. 5 % from Hon. Nnamdi Njoku. another stockholder. thereby doing GUO a major stockholder of ANAMCO ( Anamco 2010 ) . [ 40 ] Today. ANAMCO is allegedly accused for fraud because of mis-management done by the stockholders and managers. As a consequence of these managerial hiccoughs. backing has faded off and clients have decided to purchase straight from states like Brazil. China alternatively of ANAMCO. Therefore. this company is no longer in concern. There are several other Igbo owned industries that besides closed stores due to the consequence of internal bickers. unfavourable authorities policies. and managerial incompetence. One of the valid grounds for most Igbo concerns closings were fashioned towards the ‘Okoli and Sons Enterprises’ disposition. where the person and close relations owned and operated everything.

This theoretical account served Nigerians good when the accent was on developing and serving the local markets in Nigeria and adjacent states. To be able to work and go competitory at the following degree. to excel the ability. and to leverage the capital market. international strategic confederations will do the difference to follow the prerequisite corporate civilization that governs modern-day planetary concern relationships. Innoson Vehicle Manufacturing Company represents the new face of Igbo industrialisation. It is notable that this company. unlike many of its coevalss. locally designs and industries bikes. trikes and motor vehicles – salvage the engine blocks that are sourced from their foreign spouses. [ 41 ]

All indexs show that it will let go of a to the full built made-in-Nigeria auto within a few old ages. Assembling of vehicles by Innoson and similar high-octane companies within Igboland is based on effectual harnessing of foreign engineering adapted to local conditions. Consequently. Innoson stands out as likely Nigeria’s foremost autochthonal vehicle fabrication company. What marks out this industrialisation procedure is that it combines the really best of autochthonal inventiveness and modern capablenesss. Although vast and still spread outing. the new Igbo industrial endeavor is ironically constrained by ‘Okoli and Sons Enterprises’ inclination. Innoson is non excluded from the tendency. It restricts entree to foreign investing from those who may be uncomfortable with potencies of nepotism. The limited entree to the capital market. Bankss. and other growing mercantile establishments by the Igbo entrepreneurial category may be partially blamed on this tendency. Granted. every concern spouse is unafraid with qualified and trusted custodies. But in today’s hi-tech universe. entrepreneurial hazard is much more than a necessity ; it is a cardinal demand.

Decision
From the morning of colonialism to the modern-day epoch. the Igbo have contended against great odds to achieve societal and economic promotion in Igboland and beyond. To a great extent. they have grappled with the challenges of each period. The post-war epoch. particularly during the 1990s and 2000s has provided a batch of chances for the Igbo Renaissance. Yet this development requires informed work forces and adult females who understand the kineticss of the Information Age. It is a calamity that in recent old ages at that place has been a major educational diminution among Igbo young persons. peculiarly the males. The quest to larn a trade and acquire rich quick is a Chimera that needs to be corrected by Igbo bookmans in the Diaspora. Typically. it is non curious to Ndi-Igbo. yet other than any other cultural group in Nigeria they stand less likely to win if non addressed. Due to a significant exclusion from Nigeria’s power construction ; they must happen other ways to acquire with the system of things. It is besides of import for our corporate elites to ‘think about their place effort’ when investment and for the Igbo province authoritiess to make suited conditions for these investors.

Tax alleviation can be given to Igbos enterprisers in Igboland to swerve more toward industrialisation instead than trade. Igbo industrialists should bit by bit travel off from the solo outlook if they must boom in the new universe. Like the Nnewi bike traders. those who participated in edifice stuffs and automotive spare parts concerns – particularly those in Auto Spare and Machinery Dealers Association ASPMDA. Trade Fair Complex in Lagos State. should strategize on how to convey the place terminals and engineering gurus of concerns to Nigeria as spouses. This manner they can besides take advantage of the big consumer market and many under-developed economic systems. Industrial bunchs should be modeled after the Brazilian Shoe Cluster of Sinos Valley in Brazil. Siatkot Surgical Instrument Industrial Clusters in Pakistan and others. for the attendant forward and backward linkages wagess. Our endurance in these competitory markers must be sought through option agencies through de-emphasized trust on upper-managerial employers at the Aso Rock. We must. as a necessity. re-focus our ends to construct for the hereafter. through our spirited chase of making new wealth in the private sector.

The extent of Igbo engagement in commercialism – vesture. cars and their service parts. cosmetics. transit. existent sector. oil and gas. amusement. etc. . throughout the length and comprehensiveness of Nigeria and beyond. topographic points them at a alone place to promote the economic system to a new tallness by instilling the best patterns of planetary industrial development and trade. We should be after and implement a new attack in the private sector to replace the present corrupt and inefficient economic direction methods that steadily impoverishes the mean citizen everyday. The first undertaking is to re-ignite our feature of an entrepreneurial spirit that gives distinction to train. difficult work and calculated hazard taking for the intents of new wealth creative activity and attendant sweetening in social development for the public assistance of all. Ndi-Igbo. as a group. are noted for their experiences and path records that qualify them as squad participants to holding a outstanding function in the private sector in less than a decennary. Keep in head that the theory of Unity of History provinces that ‘the past determines the present and the present determines the hereafter and these events happening at any peculiar clip are dependent on the consequence of what has happened before and these things as they are today will follow into future coevalss – the changeless jurisprudence of cause and consequence.

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hypertext transfer protocol: //www. innosonivm. com/the_first_nigerian_car accessed on October 29. 2010

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———————–
[ 1 ] “The Aro People “http: //www. worldlingo. com/ma/enwiki/en/Aro_people [ 2 ] J.
C. Anene. “West Africa in the Nineteenth Century” in Anene and G. Brown explosive detection systems. . Africa in the 19th and twentieth Centuries. ( London: Nelson Publishers. 1979 ) . 282. [ 3 ] J. C. Anene. . . 67

[ 4 ] Olarenwaju A. Olutayo. “The Igbo Entrepreneur in the Political Economy of Nigeria. ” Monograph for the Department of Sociology. University of Ibadan. June. 1999. 10. [ 5 ] Olarenwaju A. Olutayo. The Igbo Entrepreneur. 12.

[ 6 ] Shenton R. The Development of Capitalism in Northern Nigeria. ( Ontario: University of Toronto Press. 1986 ) . 58. [ 7 ] Olarenwaju A. Olutayo. The Igbo Entrepreneur… . 21.
[ 8 ] Olarenwaju A. Olutayo. The Igbo Entrepreneur… . 22.
[ 9 ] Ikenna Nzimiro. Studies in Ibo Political System: Chieftaincy and Politicss in Four Niger States. ( Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1972 ) . 137.

[ 10 ] Okwudiba Nnoli. Cultural Politicss in Nigeria. ( Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers. 1978 ) . 198. [ 11 ] Olarenwaju A. Olutayo. The Igbo Entrepreneur… 24.
[ 12 ] Philip Kilby. “Manufacturing in Colonial Africa in Gann and Duignan. ” explosive detection systems. . Colonialism in Africa. ( Cambridge: University Press. 1975 ) . 211. [ 13 ] Igbo phrases for unity and brotherliness. It is normally used to show the necessity of communal attempt. [ 14 ] Olarenwaju A. Olutayo. The Igbo Entrepreneur… . 11.

[ 15 ] Olarenwaju A. Olutayo. The Igbo Entrepreneur… . 13.
[ 16 ] P. N. Okeke-Ojiudu
hypertext transfer protocol: //en. wikipedia. org/wiki/P. _N. _Okeke-Ojiudu. accessed on October. 2010 [ 17 ] A. O. Olutayo. The Development of Underdevelopment: Rural Economy of Colonial South Western Nigeria. Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis. 34. [ 18 ] Okechuku Okeke. “Inter-Group Relations in Nigeria Since 1960” in Okechukwu Okeke. et Al. . explosive detection systems. . Issues in Contemporary Nigerian History. ( Port Harcourt: Educational Books and Investment Limited. 1998 ) . 7-8. [ 19 ] Okechuku Okeke. Inter-Group Relations in Nigeria… . 12. [ 20 ] O Aboyade. BJ Dudley. and J O’Connell. explosive detection systems. . Nigeria 1965 – Crisis and Criticism ( Ibadan: Ibadan
University Press. 1966 ) . 24. [ 21 ] BJ Dudley. Instability and Political Order: Politicss and Crisis in Nigeria. ( Ibadan: Ibadan University Press. 1974 ) . 21. [ 22 ] Alexandra Madiebo. The Nigerian Revolution and the Biafran Civil War. ( Enugu: Forth Dimension Publishers. 1980 ) . 23 [ 23 ] Alexandra Madiebo. The Nigerian Revolution… . 25.

[ 24 ] The word means ‘market’ in Igbo linguistic communication.
[ 25 ] Alexandra Madiebo. The Nigerian Revolution… . 22.
[ 26 ] Igbo name for bomb.
[ 27 ] Dokun Oyeshola. Conflict and Context of Conflict Resolution. ( Ife: Obafemi Awolowo University Press. 2005 ) . 197. [ 28 ] Okechuku Okeke. Inter-Group Relations… . 44.
[ 29 ] Okechuku Okeke. Inter-Group Relations… . 47.
[ 30 ] Okechukwu Okeke. Inter-Group Relations… . 67.
[ 31 ] Federal Republic of Nigeria. Nigeria Enterprises Promotion Decree. Official Gazette. ( Lagos: Federal Republic of Nigeria. 1972 ) . 12. [ 32 ] Federal Republic of Nigeria. Nigeria Enterprises Promotion Decree… . 123. [ 33 ] Olutayo A. Olarenwaju. The Igbo Entrepreneur… . 15.

[ 34 ] Oral Interview conducted by the writer having Chief Uche Okereafor. CEO of Ucheson Group Nig Ltd at Ucheson Plaza. ASPMDA. Lagos. October 12. 2010. [ 35 ] Okechukwu Okeke. “The Politics of Revenue Allocation in Nigeria since 1969” in Okechukwu Okeke and others explosive detection systems. . Issues in Contemporary Nigerian History. ( Port Harcourt: Educational Books and Investments Limited. 1998 ) . 234.

[ 36 ] Olarenwaju A. Olutayo. The Igbo Entrepreneur… . 14.
[ 37 ] Market study and unwritten interviews and questionnaires in assorted market topographic points. [ 38 ] Victor Nwaozichi Nigeria-China Foreign Relations 1960-1999. ( Michigan: Michigan University Press. 2000 ) . 13. [ 39 ] History of Anammco

hypertext transfer protocol: //www. anammco. com/default. asp? p=Home
[ 40 ] hypertext transfer protocol: //www. anammco. com/default. asp? p=Home
[ 41 ] Chief Innocent Chukwuma
hypertext transfer protocol: //innosonivm. com/En/About. Asp? ID=1

The Place of Ndi Igbo in Nigeria Social Economic Development Essay Sample

The Place of Ndi Igbo in Nigeria Social Economic Development Essay Sample

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